The ideology that dominates our lives has, for most of us, no name. Even if your listeners have heard the term before, they will struggle to define it.
Rex Features Imagine if the people of the Soviet Union had never heard of communism. The ideology that dominates our lives has, for most of us, no name. Even if your listeners have heard the term before, they will struggle to define it. Its anonymity is both a symptom and cause of its power.
It has played a major role in a remarkable variety of crises: But we respond to these crises as if they emerge in isolation, apparently unaware that they have all been either catalysed or exacerbated by the same coherent philosophy; a philosophy that has — or had — a name.
What greater power can there be than to operate namelessly? Inequality is recast as virtuous. The market ensures that everyone gets what they deserve.
So pervasive has neoliberalism become that we seldom even recognise it as an ideology. But the philosophy arose as a conscious attempt to reshape human life and shift the locus of power. Neoliberalism sees competition as the defining characteristic of human relations.
It redefines citizens as consumers, whose democratic choices are best exercised by buying and selling, a process that rewards merit and punishes inefficiency. Attempts to limit competition are treated as inimical to liberty. Tax and regulation should be minimised, public services should be privatised.
The organisation of labour and collective bargaining by trade unions are portrayed as market distortions that impede the formation of a natural hierarchy of winners and losers. Inequality is recast as virtuous: Efforts to create a more equal society are both counterproductive and morally corrosive.
We internalise and reproduce its creeds. The rich persuade themselves that they acquired their wealth through merit, ignoring the advantages — such as education, inheritance and class — that may have helped to secure it.
The poor begin to blame themselves for their failures, even when they can do little to change their circumstances.
Never mind structural unemployment: Never mind the impossible costs of housing: Never mind that your children no longer have a school playing field: In a world governed by competition, those who fall behind become defined and self-defined as losers.
We are all neoliberals now. Among the delegates were two men who came to define the ideology, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich Hayek. In The Road to Serfdom, published inHayek argued that government planning, by crushing individualism, would lead inexorably to totalitarian control.
It came to the attention of some very wealthy people, who saw in the philosophy an opportunity to free themselves from regulation and tax. When, inHayek founded the first organisation that would spread the doctrine of neoliberalism — the Mont Pelerin Society — it was supported financially by millionaires and their foundations.
They also financed academic positions and departments, particularly at the universities of Chicago and Virginia. As it evolved, neoliberalism became more strident. Something else happened during this transition: InFriedman was happy to describe himself as a neoliberal.
But soon after that, the term began to disappear. Stranger still, even as the ideology became crisper and the movement more coherent, the lost name was not replaced by any common alternative.
At first, despite its lavish funding, neoliberalism remained at the margins. The postwar consensus was almost universal: But in the s, when Keynesian policies began to fall apart and economic crises struck on both sides of the Atlantic, neoliberal ideas began to enter the mainstream.Tax and regulation should be minimised, public services should be privatised.
Where neoliberal policies cannot be imposed which has argued forcefully in the media against the further. Tax and regulation should be minimised, public services should be privatised. Neoliberal policies are everywhere beset by market failures. which has argued forcefully in the media against.
What the author goes on to describe as the centerpiece of Neoliberal policies is the “ call for commercial media and communication markets to be deregulated.” Before the ’s, national media systems were typically domestically owned stations. An edited version of this review of Des Freedman's The Politics of Media Policy appeared in Australian Journalism Review, Vol.
30 No. 2, December , pp. by Terry Flew in media, policy. Where neoliberal policies cannot be imposed domestically, which has argued forcefully in the media against the further regulation of the tobacco industry.
Neoliberalism, Media and the Political examines the condition of media and journalism in neoliberal cultures. Emphasizing neoliberalism's status as a political ideology that is simultaneously hostile to politics, the book presents a critical theoretical argument supported by empirical illustrations.